Murray M. Chotiner was the first modern political consultant ands responsible for the rise of President Richard Nixon. Chotiner was born on October 4, 1909, in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, the son of Albert Hyman Chotiner and Sarah Chotiner. The family moved to Columbus, Ohio, soon after Murray’s birth, and relocated to California in 1920. His father eventually abandoned his wife and children. Born into a Jewish family, his father was a cigar maker who moved the family to California to run a chain of cinemas before abandoning them.
After attending UCLA, Chotiner enrolled at the Southwestern School of Law, graduating at age 20 — the youngest graduate in the school’s history. He had to wait until he was 21 to be eligible to take the bar exam. He initially practiced law with his older brother Jack in a general practice in which they defended a number of bookmakers, but eventually dissolved the partnership and opened his own practice in Los Angeles. He later described many of his clients as “unsavory, to say the least.” Chotiner was known to be close to Mickey Cohen the crime boss of Los Angeles.
Chotiner initially registered to vote as a Democrat, but soon switched parties and involved himself in Republican politics, working on Herbert Hoover’s unsuccessful presidential re-election campaign in 1932. In 1944, Chotiner was elected president of the conservative California Republican Assembly, a grassroots organization of party activists.
When Earl Warren successfully ran for Governor of California in 1942, Murray Chotiner served as his field director for that campaign. Their relationship later soured when Chotiner asked the newly inaugurated governor to decline the extradition of one of his clients. Warren subsequently excluded Chotiner from any involvement in his 1946 re-election campaign. Despite this falling out, Chotiner later claimed (according to Nixon biographer Earl Mazo) that while people remembered him for “making” Richard Nixon, “the real man I created was Earl Warren.
Chotiner’s legacy is closely tied to Richard Nixon’s political rise. Together, they helped develop a more aggressive style of campaign politics that emphasized sharp attacks on opponents and became a lasting template in American elections.Nixon, running for Congress for the first time in 1946, had no qualms about Chotiner’s strong tactics. Chotiner urged his candidate to run a “high-risk campaign.”
By the end of it, Jerry Voorhis had been prominently linked in campaign materials to far-left organizations and accused of being soft on communism, based on his record with certain labor-backed groups. The defeated congressman later called himself ‘the first victim of the Nixon-Chotiner formula for political success.
Chotiner explained his core philosophy bluntly: “I believe in all sincerity that if you do not deflate the opposition candidate before your own campaign gets started, the odds are you are doomed to defeat.”
Nixon hired Chotiner to run his 1950 Senate campaign against liberal Representative Helen Gahagan Douglas. Chotiner used a similar strategy, stressing Douglas’s liberal voting record and printing accusations on pink paper to hint at communist sympathy. Chotiner found the commonality for Douglas’s voting record with New York’s notorious Communist Party Congressman Vito Marcantonio and thus was born ‘the Pink Lady” the tag given to her by the the crafty Chotiner.”She’s pink right down to her underwear “ Nixon would say in his speeches.
Chotiner oversaw the production of about 500,000 ‘pink sheets’—campaign flyers on pink paper that compared Douglas’s congressional voting record to that of thefar-left congressman known for communist sympathies. The campaign also arranged anonymous phone calls to voters inquiring about Douglas’s political leanings. This helped establish a more assertive and issue-driven style of politics that emphasized sharp contrasts between candidates. While these methods were legal, they generated significant debate and criticism during the race. Chotiner himself said of that campaign, “We only stated the facts. The interpretation of the facts was the prerogative of the electorate.”
Chotiner then maneuvered Nixon onto the ticket with Dwight Eisenhower at he same time settling a score with Earl Warren who was a favorite son candidate for President from California. Although pledged to Warren as a California delegate, Nixon undermined Warren among the California delegation,
He counseled Nixon through revelations that there were privately run funds to pay Nixon’s political expenses — revelations that the candidate decisively overcame with his televised Checkers speech. While Eisenhower contemplated dropping Nixon from the ticket Chotiner came up with the idea of Nixon taking his case directly to the people in a TV broadcast.
When Nixon faced accusations of antisemitism after Eisenhower picked him for the ticket, Chotiner — as Nixon’s Jewish campaign manager — secured a seal of approval from the Anti-Defamation League, which he used to answer concerned voters.
In 1956, a Senate subcommittee investigating bribery and influence peddling discovered a $5,000 check made out to “M. Chotiner” in the records of a New Jersey uniform manufacturer convicted of stealing from the federal government. Under questioning by subcommittee counsel Robert F. Kennedy, Chotiner also disclosed that he had been retained by New Jersey mobster Marco Regnelli in an attempt to stave off a deportation order. Chotiner fired back at Kennedy, as a practicing attorney, he routinely handled a wide range of criminal defense cases, including many bookmaking matters, and he pushed back against the subcommittee, arguing that he had been called primarily for political reasons.
Chotiner also contributed to Nixon’s 1962 campaign for Governor of California, and again for his successful 1968 presidential bid. After Nixon was inaugurated in 1969, Chotiner received a political appointment to a government position and, in 1970, became a member of the White House staff. He returned to private practice a year later, but remained involved in Nixon’s 1972 re-election campaign.
Chotiner’s law offices were one floor above those of the Committee for the Re-Election of the President (CREEP). Nixon aide Dwight Chapin was convinced Chotiner was secretly involved in Watergate, saying: “There is a person who goes all the way back through this thing, and that is Murray Chotiner. He was in the White House… he leaves; the break-in happens. Murray was the operator for Nixon on God only knows what.” Chotiner himself described the Watergate break-in as “stupid,” and when a newspaper accused him of organizing it, he sued for libel and won a substantial settlement.
On January 23, 1974, Chotiner was involved in a car accident outside the Washington home of Senator Edward Kennedy. Although he only suffered a broken leg, he died a week later. Nixon mourned the loss of a man he described as a counselor and friend.
Nixon adviser Leonard Garment described Chotiner as “a hardheaded exponent of the campaign philosophy that politics is war” and said that “politics is shabby most of the time, filled with lies and deceptions.” Chotiner is widely regarded as one of the earliest architects of modern negative campaigning in America — a forefather of the hardball, opposition-research-driven style of politics that would come to define the late 20th century and beyond.















