President Trump is taking American public-health policy back from globalist control, this time by reshaping childhood vaccine recommendations despite the World Health Organization’s objections. President Trump signed an order directing much-needed changes to the childhood vaccination schedule, including spacing out the measles, mumps and rubella vaccines rather than relying exclusively on the combined MMR shot. 

His administration has made the case that the changes are necessary to give parents more flexibility while aligning U.S. recommendations with scientific evidence and practices in other developed nations. Predictably, the WHO lashed out at the Trump administration, defending its recommendations to pump as many Big Pharma shots into the bodies of children as possible. This response from the WHO is music to the ears of the MAGA faithful.

The COVID-19 pandemic badly damaged public confidence in global health authorities, which was led by the WHO. Guidance changed repeatedly, legitimate scientific inquiry was purposefully stifled, and fearmongering propaganda warped the public’s psyche in ways we are only beginning to comprehend. 

Whatever one’s view of vaccines may be, Americans should never outsource critical health-policy decisions to an unaccountable and discredited international bureaucracy. 

President Trump’s order indicates that public health will now answer to American families, American doctors and American institutions, not global organizations obsessed with mandates and forced compliance. The WHO can feel free to offer advice. It will likely fall on deaf ears with the Trump administration and rightfully so. We are making America healthy again, and if that offends the enemies of American sovereignty, so be it.

On August 12, 2026, the American public finally learned that by the end of 2019, a full protection racket was already in place for Joe Biden and his family. It was run by the very intelligence and law-enforcement agencies that are supposed to be politically neutral and driven by facts. Instead, they ignored the facts and played politics.

This happened while President Donald J. Trump was still in his first term; and, ironically, just weeks after John Paul Mac Issac turned the infamous Hunter Biden laptop over to the FBI.

According to the declassified ODNI summary and the Defensive Briefing Spreadsheet released by the White House Government Transparency Task Force, the FBI had already received derogatory information about Joe Biden and his family, including specific allegations of corruption, from at least 14 confidential human sources.

Instead of investigating those allegations, the intelligence community launched a secret counterintelligence operation designed to label much of that reporting as Russian disinformation. In effect, they went to work protecting one of their own.

That operation was called Round River.

The effort was launched by the FBI’s Foreign Influence Task Force–Russia (FITF-R) around December 2019. A group of analysts was unofficially formed to gather previously reported confidential human source information on Joe Biden, Hunter Biden, Burisma, and related Ukraine corruption topics, collectively called the “Ukraine narrative,” and flag that reporting as Russian disinformation.

The operation remained active and continued to meddle through the 2020 election.

The FBI was knee-deep in this protection scheme. Internal spreadsheets functioned almost like a watchlist, sorting people into two categories: “conduits” of Russian disinformation versus “targets.” One key document, the Defensive Briefing Spreadsheet, contained multiple tabs tracking nomination status, position, and other indicators.

The effort extended far beyond the informants themselves. Documents show the bureau formally designated senior Trump administration officials, including then-Attorney General Bill Barr and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, as well as Republican senators such as Chuck Grassley, Ron Johnson, and Lindsey Graham, and House figures including Devin Nunes and Jim Jordan, as “conduits” for Russian disinformation.

Journalists and media figures who examined the allegations, predominantly conservative-leaning, were also labeled conduits.

These designations came even as the officials and lawmakers pursued legitimate oversight. All of this unfolded during the 2020 election cycle, even as the FBI already possessed Hunter Biden’s laptop.

Earlier whistleblower accounts and congressional releases had already indicated the FBI maintained more than 40 sources offering criminal information related to Joe, Hunter, and James Biden.

FD-1023 reports detailed alleged Burisma-related schemes, yet investigative follow-through was limited or curtailed in key instances, with headquarters assessments used to shut down or discredit leads under the disinformation banner.

The disinformation label applied through the Round River assessment did far more than simply flag the Hunter Biden laptop story as suspect. It actively enabled the suppression of the story itself. It supplied the institutional cover that Facebook and Twitter used to throttle, limit, and ultimately bury the New York Post’s reporting in real time.

By treating the material as the product of a foreign influence operation, the platforms could justify censorship under the banner of “election integrity” during the final weeks of the 2020 campaign.

That decision rested on a broader information operation that had already primed both the press and the social media platforms to expect precisely this kind of “hack-and-leak.”

After the public learned that Hunter Biden’s laptop had been dropped off and abandoned at John Paul Mac Isaac’s computer repair shop, a letter was quickly drafted by former CIA directors, intelligence community leaders, and senior officials. The letter did not claim the laptop was fabricated. Instead, it declared that the story “has all the classic earmarks of Russian disinformation.” That carefully worded framing was immediately amplified by major news outlets.

Within hours, the phrase “Russian disinformation” was already swirling through the media narrative. It gave social-media executives the perfect pretext to suppress the story.

At the time, the public was told there was no coordinated suppression. Years later, after multiple hearings, Silicon Valley executives admitted they had received warnings and instructions from government officials — and acted on them.

The same narrative had been seeded by the FBI a few weeks earlier. Intelligence and law-enforcement channels had warned platforms that Russia or other adversaries were preparing a late-cycle dump of damaging material.

It is a known fact that the FBI received a copy of the laptop hard drive directly from John Paul Mac Isaac. When the New York Post published its exclusive story on October 14, 2020, the suppression began immediately. Twitter locked the New York Post out of its own account for posting the article. Facebook limited distribution of the story. The reporting was effectively buried at the most critical moment of the campaign.

Round River’s formal counterintelligence designation, the 51 officials’ letter, and the earlier private briefings to Silicon Valley together formed a bureaucratic coup. The feds, to protect their own, manufactured the threat of a Russian hack-and-leak, stamped the real laptop story with that label, and then gave the platforms cover to suppress the reporting under the banner of election security.

In some cases, longstanding source files were amended after the fact to portray earlier reporting as false, without any apparent independent corroboration of the underlying “Ukraine narrative” claims.

FBI Director Kash Patel later confirmed the existence of the 14 sources providing negative information on Biden and noted that Round River had flagged a broader set of 53 sources overall. He directed the release of their reporting for transparency review and terminated the Foreign Influence Task Force.

Why was the FBI protecting a political candidate?

House Judiciary Chairman Jim Jordan has now confirmed he received the same “defensive briefing” from the FBI in 2020 — a briefing he calls “a farce.” Agents told him to stop looking into Hunter Biden. The briefing was part of the same Round River operation that labeled Jordan, Grassley, Johnson, and other Republicans as Russian “conduits” while protecting the Bidens.

The goal was clear: plant the narrative that any investigation into the Biden family’s foreign dealings was foreign disinformation, then leak it to the press. That same narrative later helped Facebook and Twitter censor the Hunter Biden laptop story.

It all happened under Christopher Wray’s FBI. Elected officials who were allies of President Trump and trying to protect the truth were outright lied to.

What the documents ultimately reveal is not merely bureaucratic caution or institutional bias. It was a sustained effort by elements inside the FBI to shield one presidential candidate while actively undermining the sitting president’s administration and its allies.

By attempting to soil legitimate oversight by Trump officials, Republican senators, and House investigators as “Russian disinformation,” the bureau tilted the information battlefield in favor of Joe Biden during a contested election. That is the definition of election interference conducted from within the federal government itself — carried out against the administration then in power and for the benefit of its opponent.

The illegality cuts deeper than political favoritism. Federal law prohibits the use of government resources to influence elections, and intelligence and law-enforcement agencies are barred from targeting domestic political activity or suppressing constitutionally protected speech under the guise of counterintelligence.

The FBI’s counterintelligence apparatus weaponized its authority against a political opponent of the sitting president — an abuse of power that strikes at the core of democratic legitimacy and the principle that law enforcement must remain neutral.

Round River’s formal designation of American officials, journalists, and elected representatives as foreign “conduits,” combined with the deliberate preconditioning of social-media platforms to censor damaging material, crossed that line.

By the time Operation Round River was launched in late 2019, this was already part of a pattern. The FBI had previously run Crossfire Hurricane against the Trump campaign, then opened Oxferd Comma against the sitting president himself after he fired James Comey. Later came Plasmic Echo and Arctic Frost. Round River was simply the latest in a series of code-named operations that treated Trump and those around him as the threat.

Never in the history of this country has a president been targeted by such a sustained, two-tier justice system. The American people can see it plainly: the FBI worked against an outsider who was never part of the Deep State.

At what point did it become acceptable for the FBI to run secret operations against a sitting president in order to protect his political opponent?

What the newly declassified documents make unmistakable is a justice system that shields the politically connected while treating outsiders as existential threats. The same bureau that spent years manufacturing cases against Trump and his associates ran a quiet internal campaign to neutralize evidence of Biden family corruption and brand it as foreign disinformation. One set of rules for the protected class. Another for everyone else.

The Department of Justice filed lawsuits on Monday against New York, Connecticut, and Vermont, challenging state laws which grant in-state tuition and financial assistance to illegal aliens. 

These federal actions arrive amid growing concerns over the civil rights of American citizens, who are denied the same reduced rates and scholarships simply for being born in the U.S.A.

The suits further charge that the state laws create clear incentives and preferential treatment for illegal immigration, placing illegal aliens ahead of American citizens in direct conflict with federal law (8 U.S.C. § 1623).

The Department of Justice’s New York complaint cites average tuition and fees of $8,316 for in-state students versus $18,613 for those from out of state, according to reporting by The Center Square.

A string of recent victories in Texas, Kentucky, Oklahoma, Nebraska, and Illinois have already permanently enjoined similar residency-based education benefits for illegal aliens.

In a statement to Fox News Digital, the Justice Department expressed confidence in the latest actions, noting that under the leadership of Attorney General Todd Blanche, these efforts have delivered clear wins for the American people, with courts issuing favorable orders that have declared similar laws unconstitutional, including a ruling from the Fifth Circuit.

In late 2025, the Equal Protection Project, a civil rights group based in Rhode Island, filed a complaint with the Department of Justice. The group alleged that more than 100 California public colleges and universities discriminate against American-born students by offering dedicated funding, counseling, and other support programs exclusively to DACA recipients and undocumented students.

Lawsuits against other states that similarly place illegal aliens ahead of American citizens remain pending, including in Minnesota, Virginia, California, New Jersey, Kansas, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Maryland, and Colorado remain open.

Associate Attorney General Stanley Woodward made the administration’s position clear:
“Congress long ago made clear that States cannot put illegal aliens over our Nation’s own citizens. By granting illegal aliens in-state tuition, New York, Vermont, and Connecticut are doing just that. No more. As of today, we have now sued every state in the Second Circuit that seeks to thwart Congress’s clear prohibition by placing alien over citizen. And our efforts will not cease until President Trump’s promise is fulfilled: illegal aliens will not receive benefits denied to our Nation’s own citizens.”

President Donald J. Trump declared “Liberation Day” in Washington, D.C., on August 11, 2025. One year later, the nation’s capital looks and feels remarkably different.

Citing high crime, urban decay, and deterioration, the 45th and 47th president declared a public safety emergency and invoked Section 740 of the District of Columbia Home Rule Act of 1973.

“This is Liberation Day in D.C., and we’re going to take our capital back,” he said, pointing to violence, carjackings, homelessness, and blight that he argued embarrassed the country on the world stage.

Metropolitan Police Department data crime stats are impressive: homicides fell 32%, robberies 16%, motor vehicle thefts 53%, and total property crime 22%.

The operation conducted more than 16,000 arrests, seized nearly 2,000 illegal firearms, apprehended 35 homicide suspects, arrested more than 100 known gang members, made over 3,200 narcotics arrests, and located 25 missing children.

The effort to fix D.C. has expanded into restoring Washington’s aesthetics by repairing 22 fountains, restoring 28 statues and monuments all of which were long neglected, and covered in graffiti.

Among the most elegant symbols of this rebirth are the newly regilded Arts of War statues, Valor and Sacrifice, flanking Arlington Memorial Bridge. Once dulled by years of fading, Leo Friedlander’s monumental bronze equestrian figures now shine in 24 gold karat leaf.

Sites that had appeared nearly abandoned, particularly the Columbus Circle fountain near Union Station, were brought back to life ahead of the nation’s 250th anniversary.

Homelessness fell 9.3% after an encampment crackdown. Metro rail and bus ridership has risen.

The National Guard has remained a regular presence, and the administration wants to extend the deployment through the end of Trump’s term, at an estimated additional cost of $1.4 billion.

Residents say the sustained presence is necessary to deter criminals, and with such soft on crime policies, such progress remains impossible.

Metro DC DSA member Janeese Lewis George, the Democratic nominee for mayor who won the June 2026 primary, is against the federal safeguards now protecting the city.

Trump has suggested the possibility of revisiting aspects of D.C. Home Rule, though no formal steps have been taken.

Home Rule itself remains in full effect. The 30-day period of federal direction of the Metropolitan Police under Section 740 expired in September 2025. The broader law-enforcement surge and National Guard presence have continued under separate authorities.

Future plans include a large Triumphal Arch near Memorial Bridge, additions to the White House grounds including a ballroom and helipad, and continued upkeep of public spaces.

Robert Gilman, a 32-year-old United States Marine from Massachusetts, is finally home after spending 1,666 days in Russian custody. Arrested in January 2022, convicted on disputed charges, subjected to alleged physical and psychological abuse, and ultimately left gravely ill, Gilman was released after President Donald Trump personally raised his case with Russian President Vladimir Putin. No Russian prisoner was exchanged. No political concession was granted. Putin pardoned Gilman on humanitarian grounds, allowing him to return to the United States for urgent medical treatment.

Gilman served in the Marine Corps from August 2019 until August 2020. After leaving the service, he taught English in Poland and established a program to help Polish students improve their language skills. He later traveled to Moldova for another teaching opportunity and visited relatives near Moscow. His father, Vladimir Gilman, had emigrated from Russia to Massachusetts, giving Robert familial ties to the country. While traveling by train in January 2022, Gilman became ill and was removed from the train in Voronezh, approximately 340 miles south of Moscow. Russian authorities alleged that he was intoxicated, behaved disruptively, and kicked a police officer.

Gilman’s family disputes that account. His father maintains that Robert was sick, collapsed, and accidentally struck the officer with his foot. According to the family, the officer was not injured, declined to pursue the allegation, and presented no evidence at Gilman’s trial. Nonetheless, a Russian court convicted him and imposed a four-and-a-half-year prison sentence.

The timing was ominous. Gilman was arrested weeks before Russia invaded Ukraine and relations between Washington and Moscow deteriorated precipitously. An American military veteran in Russian custody had suddenly acquired political value.

The original sentence did not remain four and a half years. Russian prosecutors subsequently accused Gilman of assaulting a prison inspector, an investigator, and correctional officers. Successive convictions eventually increased his total sentence to ten years. His family and advocates contend that the additional cases were created through deliberate provocation and abuse. They allege that Gilman was forced to exercise for as long as 16 hours, deprived of adequate sleep and food, placed in solitary confinement, compelled to take psychotropic medication, and subjected to sustained psychological manipulation. He was reportedly told that his family had been beaten and that the United States had abandoned him.

These were not merely efforts to punish a prisoner. They were calculated attempts to disorient him, provoke reactions, and manufacture the conduct needed to prolong his confinement. By late June 2026, Gilman’s physical and psychological condition had collapsed. Advocates reported that he had entered a dissociative stupor, a severe stress-induced state in which a person becomes largely unresponsive to the surrounding world. He was transferred from a prison hospital to the psychiatric ward of a civilian emergency hospital in Voronezh.

For approximately seven weeks, Gilman reportedly could not eat, drink, speak, or respond normally. He was fed through a tube and, according to his advocates, handcuffed to a hospital bed under armed guard despite his near-catatonic condition. He developed pneumonia, a high fever, and dangerously elevated blood pressure. His mother traveled to Russia carrying judicial authorization to see him, but hospital officials denied her access. His attorneys also encountered restrictions. Those representing the family warned publicly that Gilman was near death.

The United States had only recently classified him as wrongfully detained. Whatever bureaucratic distinctions throughout the Biden Administration that delayed that designation, the essential facts were unmistakable. An American veteran had entered Russian custody over a disputed encounter involving an uninjured police officer. His original sentence had been expanded to a decade through charges his family considered contrived. He had then deteriorated until he was lying unresponsive and being fed through a tube. President Trump acted before Gilman became another American returned home in a coffin.

Trump discussed the case with Putin, while Special Envoy Steve Witkoff, Sebastian Gorka, Adam Boehler, Jared Kushner, and other administration officials worked through the diplomatic negotiations. Russian presidential adviser Yuri Ushakov informed the American side that Putin had agreed to pardon Gilman because of his medical condition. The result was an exceptionally rare unilateral release. Russia requested no prisoner in return, and American officials confirmed that the United States made no concessions.

President Trump announced the news personally. “Russia has released American Robert Gilman, on a humanitarian basis”, Trump wrote, explaining that he had discussed the case with Putin. “Russia asked for no one in return. No exchange took place.”

Trump then spoke directly with Gilman aboard the aircraft carrying him home. After four years of prison food, forced medication, isolation, illness, and psychological torment, Gilman made one thoroughly American request: “A GREAT cheeseburger…I will take care of that!” Trump promised.

A State Department aircraft brought Gilman to Dulles International Airport on August 11, 2026 Witkoff and Gorka met him with cheeseburgers and milkshakes. A member of the White House team presented him with a Marine Corps flag. Four physicians reportedly evaluated him during the flight, and he was subsequently transported to San Antonio, Texas, for extensive medical and psychological treatment.

Photographs showed a painfully gaunt man holding an American flag, surrounded by those who had helped secure his freedom. Despite the severity of the reports from Russia, an American official who spoke with Gilman said that he was walking and talking. His recovery, however, may be long. The consequences of prolonged isolation, malnutrition, forced medication, sleep deprivation, physical coercion, and sustained psychological abuse cannot be erased by crossing an international border.

Secretary of State Marco Rubio noted that Gilman joined more than 100 Americans whose freedom President Trump’s administration has helped secure during his second term. Rubio properly welcomed the release as a positive development while demanding freedom for other Americans unjustly imprisoned in Russia, including retired teacher Stephen Hubbard.

Gilman’s release does not absolve the Russian system that confined him or resolve the cases of the other Americans still held there. Nor should the humanitarian pardon obscure the extraordinary escalation of his case. A disputed incident involving an officer who was reportedly unharmed produced a decade-long sentence and a medical catastrophe.

Yet the manner of his release matters. The United States did not surrender a convicted Russian assassin, intelligence operative, arms dealer, or cybercriminal. It did not reward hostage diplomacy by replenishing Putin’s ranks. Direct engagement secured Gilman’s freedom without a prisoner exchange or American concession. This is what presidential diplomacy can accomplish when it is backed by strength, personal relationships, persistence, and a refusal to accept an American’s death as inevitable. Trump did not confuse negotiation with capitulation. He used his relationship with Putin to obtain a humanitarian pardon while giving Russia nothing in return.

Robert Gilman went to Eastern Europe to teach. He entered Russia to visit family and became trapped in a penal system that transformed an obscure railway incident into four and a half years of captivity. He returned emaciated, medically fragile, and bearing injuries that may not be visible for years. But he returned alive.

The Marine Corps teaches its people never to leave one of their own behind. President Trump applied that principle to the country itself. Robert Gilman is home because his government finally placed his life above bureaucratic inertia and acted before the opportunity disappeared.

His first request was not political, profound, or ceremonial. It was a cheeseburger. After 1,666 days in Russian custody, that modest meal represented something much larger: freedom, home, and the restoration of an ordinary American life that had been stolen from him.

The Southern Poverty Law Center has long operated as a major institutional player with extensive fundraising operations inside the progressive and Democratic donor-activist world, raising hundreds of millions while publicly presenting itself as a leading opponent of “hate groups.”

Attorney General Todd Blanche has characterized the SPLC’s work as “manufacturing the extremism it purports to oppose by paying sources to stoke racial hatred.”

The SPLC has acknowledged that it paid informants and has insisted the payments were made exclusively for intelligence purposes.

On Wednesday, August 12, Heidi Beirich, former Director of the Intelligence Project at the Southern Poverty Law Center, who oversaw the organization’s hate-group tracking operation, including the Intelligence Report and the Hatewatch blog, was arrested in California on federal fraud charges.

Beirich is the former SPLC official who wrote the 2015 exposé “Chaos at the Compound” on the neo-Nazi National Alliance.

Beirich left the SPLC in 2019 during a broader internal crisis defined by high-profile resignations and employee complaints, including from Black staff, of racial inequities and workplace toxicity under predominantly white leadership. She later co-founded the Global Project Against Hate and Extremism, where she serves as chief strategy officer.

Prosecutors allege that while the SPLC publicly tracked and denounced neo-Nazi and other extremist groups, Beirich helped oversee the secret funneling of donor money to individuals associated with those same groups through fictitious accounts.

According to the indictment, Beirich was in a romantic relationship with a longtime paid SPLC informant, identified only as “F-9,” inside the National Alliance. The two allegedly shared a home and joint bank accounts. She is accused of helping route more than a million dollars in donor funds to him and other extremists through shell companies and business accounts.

Beirich, 59, is the first individual charged in the Justice Department’s expanding case against the SPLC. She faces conspiracy counts for wire fraud, false statements to a bank, and concealment money laundering.

Attorney General Todd Blanche confirmed the arrest. The SPLC itself was charged in April 2026; a superseding indictment now adds Beirich as the first named individual.

Beirich’s attorney, Michael J. Proctor said his client is innocent and called the case “without merit,” adding that the charges against her and the SPLC are “politically motivated.”

Since the original case in April, SPLC officials have maintained that the payments were made to informants for intelligence purposes. The Department of Justice, however, says Beirich helped divert $1.2 million to the National Alliance informant who was also allegedly her lover.

Prosecutors allege that F-9 infiltrated the National Alliance for years while receiving SPLC payments. In 2014 he allegedly stole roughly 25 boxes of documents from the group’s West Virginia headquarters. Beirich then used that material to write her May 2015 Hatewatch article.

To conceal his identity, authorities say the SPLC paid a second person, accountant Randolph Dilloway, referred to in court papers as F-39, about $6,000 to publicly take the blame and pose as an independent whistleblower.

Between 2015 and 2021 alone, roughly $140,000 in SPLC donor funds allegedly flowed into the joint bank accounts Beirich shared with the informant.

The SPLC is accused of routing at least $4.1 million in tax-exempt donations to informants embedded in or leading white supremacist groups while purporting to combat hate and telling donors the money was being used to fight extremism.